Notes:
Note 1: Eduard Mark, among others, has made the case that from the moment it became apparent that the USSR would survive the war, officials in Washington anticipated Moscow's hegemony in Eastern Europe. Mark writes: "American efforts in Europe, consequently, represented neither a utopian scheme to rid the continent of spheres of influence nor a Faustian bid to dominate it, but a search for stable spheres of a kind consonant with the interests of the principal victors of World War II." See Eduard Mark, "American Policy toward Eastern Europe and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1946: An Alternative Interpretation," Journal of American History 68:2 (September 1981): 314. Back.
Note 2: Welles to Roosevelt, January 12, 1933, box 149, folder 1, Welles papers, FDRL. By the end of 1933, Roosevelt formally recognized the Soviet regime, sending William C. Bullitt as ambassador. For an account that Moscow and Washington came together out of mutual distrust of Japan, see Robert L. Morris, "A Reassessment of Russian Recognition," Historian 24:4 (August 1962): 480-482. For an account arguing that Welles opposed Russian recognition, see Robert E. Bowers, "Hull, Russian Subversion in Cuba, and Recognition of the U.S.S.R.," Journal of American History 53:3 (December 1956): 542-554. Back.
Note 3: Memorandum of conversation, by Welles, March 23, 1938, FRUS: The Soviet Union, 1933-39 (Washington D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1952), 541; Sumner Welles, The Time for Decision (New York: Harper, 1944), 318-320. He also notably ignored Moscow during his 1940 mission to Europe. Welles instead arranged to have Soviet specialist George Kennan meet him in Italy to offer advice. But upon arriving in Italy, Welles ignored Kennan and left him stranded in Rome. George Kennan, Memoirs: 1925-1950 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967), 115-116. Back.
Note 4: Thomas R. Maddux, "Watching Stalin Maneuver Between Hitler and the West: American Diplomats and Soviet Diplomacy, 1934-1939," Diplomatic History 1:2 (Spring, 1977): 142-143; Daniel F. Harrington, "Kennan, Bohlen, and the Riga Axioms." Diplomatic History 2:4 (Fall, 1978): 424. Back.
Note 5: Thomas Maddux, Years of Estrangement: American Relations with the Soviet Union, 1933-1941 (Tallahassee: University Presses of Florida, 1980), 90. Back.
Note 6: During Davies's tenure, which coincided with the height of the Moscow show trials, he sent Welles numerous "back-channel" communications, recounting his "great admiration" for Stalin and praising the Soviet dictator for having done so much "for the benefit of common men." Davies to Welles, June 28, 1937, Welles to Davies, July 23, 1937, box 40, folder 5, Welles papers, FDRL; Davies to Welles, March 1, 1938, box 45, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL; Davies, "Interview with Stalin and Molotov," June 9, 1938, box 166, USSR files, folder 1, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 7: H. W. Brands, Inside the Cold War: Loy Henderson and the Rise of the American Empire 1918-1961 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 78-79, 111; Daniel Yergin, Shattered Peace: the Origins of the Cold War and the National Security State (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977), 34. Back.
Note 8: Memorandum by Welles, November 17, 1939, FRUS, The Soviet Union, 1939, 794-795; T document 228, "Soviet Rule in Eastern Poland, 1939-1941," January 23, 1943, box 62, Notter Files, Record Group 59, National Archives [all planning documents and minutes are from the Notter files, Record Group 59, National Archives, unless otherwise noted]. Back.
Note 9: Memorandum by Welles, November 17, 1939, FRUS, The Soviet Union, 1939, 794-795. Back.
Note 10: Sumner Welles, The Time for Decision, 169; "Statement respecting the Baltic Republics by Acting Secretary of State Welles, July 23, 1940," Department of State Bulletin III (1940), 48. For the absorption of the Baltic states into the Soviet Union see, for example, David Kirby, "Incorporation: the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact," in Graham Smith, ed., The Baltic States: The National Self-Determination of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994), 78-80. Stalin seems to have concluded that mere protectorate status for the Baltic states did not meet Moscow's security needs vis-à-vis Germany. See, for example, Jonathan Haslam, "Soviet War-Aims," in The Rise and Fall of the Grand Alliance: 1941‹1945, ed. Ann Lane and Howard Temperley (London: Macmillan, 1995), 29. Back.
Note 11: Press statement by Welles, July 23, 1940, FRUS, vol. I, 1940, 401-402. Back.
Note 12: Welles to Roosevelt, August 19, 1940, FRUS, vol. I, 1940, 424-425. Back.
Note 13: Statement by Welles, July 23, 1940, FRUS, vol. I, 1940, 401-402. Welles had apparently forgotten his proconsulships in the Dominican Republic and Cuba in 1933. Back.
Note 14: Roosevelt to Hull and Welles, December 22, 1939, FRUS, The Soviet Union, 1939, 868-869; Welles memorandum of conversation with Oumansky, July 27, 1940, FRUS, vol. III, 1940, 327-331. Back.
Note 15: Welles, The Time For Decision, 169-171; Welles memorandum of conversation, June 18, 1940, FRUS, vol. III, 1940, 321-322. Back.
Note 16: Maddux, Years of Estrangement, 128-129. Back.
Note 17: Welles memorandum, August 19, 1940, FRUS, vol. I, 1940, 424-425; Welles memorandum, December 10, 1940, FRUS, vol. I, 1940, 534-535. Back.
Note 18: Memorandum of conversation between Welles and Oumansky, August 1, 1940, FRUS, vol. III, 1940, 340-348; Welles to Roosevelt, August 19, 1940, FRUS, vol. I, 1940, 424-425. Back.
Note 19: Welles, The Time For Decision, 169-171; Welles memorandum of conversation with Oumansky, July 27, 1940, FRUS, vol. III, 1940, 327-331; memorandum of conversation between Welles and Oumansky, August 7, 1940, FRUS, vol. III, 1940, 358-361. Back.
Note 20: Brands, Inside the Cold War, 96-97. Back.
Note 21: Welles memorandum of conversation with Oumansky, January 15, 1941, box 166, USSR files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; Welles memorandum of conversation with Oumansky, March 20, 1941, box 166, USSR files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 22: Welles to Roosevelt, January 9, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 685-686; Brands, Inside the Cold War, 97; Welles to Oumansky, January 21, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 696. Back.
Note 23: Welles, The Time For Decision, 170. Back.
Note 24: Memorandum by Welles, March 20, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 723; Welles, The Time For Decision, 171. Back.
Note 25: Memorandum by Welles, April 9, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 735-736. Back.
Note 26: Lloyd C. Gardner, Spheres of Influence: The Great Powers Partition Europe, From Munich to Yalta (Chicago: Ivan Dee, 1993), 87. Stalin's suspicions perhaps had some basis in fact. Only a few hours after the German invasion of Russia, Halifax told Welles that he felt optimistic that, if Germany quickly defeated Russia, "Hitler would then present a plausible peace proposal based upon the fact that he had defeated communism and established a new order in Europe and was no longer anxious to continue hostilities against Great Britain, or undertake them with the United States." See memorandum of conversation between Welles and Halifax, June 22, 1941, box 163, Great Britain files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. For the view that the German invasion did not catch Stalin completely by surprise, see, for example, Louis Rotundo, "Stalin and the Outbreak of War in 1941," Journal of Contemporary History 24:2 (April 1989): 277-299. Back.
Note 27: Welles, The Time For Decision, 171-172. Back.
Note 28: "Policy with Regard to the Soviet Union in the Case of the Outbreak of War Between the Soviet Union and Germany," by the Division of European Affairs, June 21, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 766-767. Back.
Note 29: William Langer and S. Everett Gleason, The Undeclared War: 1940-1941 (New York: Harper, 1953), 336-43. Back.
Note 30: Welles to Steinhardt, June 23, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 767-768; original drafts of Welles's statement on German invasion of Russia, June 23, 1941, box 166, USSR files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 31: New York Journal American, August 4, 1941; Langer and Gleason, The Undeclared War, 542; Vojtech Mastny, Russia's Road to the Cold War: Diplomacy, Warfare, and the Politics of Communism, 1941-1945 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979), 39, 22. Back.
Note 32: Welles, "Why Help the Soviet Union?" American Federation Clubwoman, November 1941 Acheson to Welles, July 8, 1941, box 166, USSR files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; Oumansky to Welles, July 29, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 798. Back.
Note 33: Welles, "Why Help the Soviet Union?" American Federation Clubwoman, November 1941; Welles to Loy Henderson, July 16, 1941, box 166, USSR files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; memorandum of conversation between Welles and Litvinov, February 23, 1942, February 23, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 693-694; P document 34, "Tentative Views of the Subcommittee on Political Problems," August 12, 1942, box 56, Notter files; Welles, "Free Access to Raw Materials," October 8, 1942, speech files, box 195, folder 7, Welles papers, FDRL; Political Subcommittee Minutes, meeting 4 (P minutes 4), March 28, 1942, Notter files, National Archives; Welles, The Time For Decision, 306-335. Back.
Note 34: FO 371/29464 Eden to Cripps, April 17, 1941, British Public Record Office (PRO). Back.
Note 35: These initial war aims seem to have been concluded in vague outline in Stalin's mind during the period prior to Barbarossa. See, for example, Jonathan Haslam, "Soviet War Aims," in The Rise and Fall of the Grand Alliance, 1941-1945, ed. Ann Lane and Howard Temperley (London: Macmillan, 1995), 22-39. Back.
Note 36: FO 371/32875 "Policy Toward Russia," by Anthony Eden, January 28, 1942, PRO; Memorandum of Conversation between Welles and Halifax, February 18, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 512-514; FO 371/32877, Eden to Churchill, March 6, 1942, PRO; Llewellyn Woodward, British Foreign Policy in the Second World War, Vol.2, (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1970), 236. Back.
Note 37: "First," Stalin cabled Churchill, "there is no definite understanding between our two countries concerning war aims and plans for the post-war organization of peace, secondly, there is no treaty between the USSR and Great Britain on mutual military aid against Hitler. Until understanding is reached on these two main points, not only will there be no clarity in Anglo-Soviet relations, but, if we are to speak frankly, there will be no mutual trust." See Gardner, Spheres of Influence, 108; and Albert Resis, "Spheres of Influence in Soviet Wartime Diplomacy," Journal of Modern History 53:3 (September 1981): 431. Back.
Note 38: Llewellyn Woodward, British Foreign Policy, 239, 244; Vojtech Mastny, "Stalin and the Prospects of a Separate Peace in World War II," American Historical Review 77:5 (December 1972): 1367. "On balance," Mastny writes, "any Russian efforts to come to terms with Germany before Stalingrad may be dismissed as mere products of anxious imagination" (1369). For the view that Washington was more concerned about a separate peace than London, see, for example, Keith Sainsbury, Churchill and Roosevelt at War: The War they Fought and the Peace they Hoped to Make (London: Macmillan Press, 1994), 142. Back.
Note 39: FO 371/32875 "Policy Toward Russia," by Anthony Eden, January 28, 1942, PRO; Winant to Hull, January 19, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 494-503. Back.
Note 40: Welles memorandum of conversation with Halifax, June 15, 1941, box 163, Great Britain files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 41: Welles memorandum of conversation with Halifax, June 15, 1941, box 163, Great Britain files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 42: For example, prior to the Nazi-Soviet Pact in August 1939, Polish officials told Welles that they opposed the possibility of an Anglo-Russian joint guarantee for fear of Russian domination of Poland. Memorandum of conversation between Welles and Polish Ambassador Potocki, "General European Situation," August 22, 1939, box 165, Poland, folder 1, Welles papers, FDRL. Poland and the other nations of Eastern and Central Europe had good reason to fear Russia's territorial appetite. The 1918 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the subsequent peace had led to the independence of much of Russia's western empire, with the loss of many of the Czarist possessions which had been amassed during the previous two centuries. Stalin had shown his desire to regain these territories in his 1939 pact with Hitler. See Mastny, Russia's Road to the Cold War, 5-11; Gardner, Spheres of Influence, 58-59. Back.
Note 43: Welles memorandum of conversation with Ciechanowski, June 26, 1941, FRUS, vol. I, 1941, 237-238. Loy Henderson, analyzing a Moscow meeting between Polish Prime Minister General Wladyslaw Sikorski and Stalin in December 1941, further warned Welles that a "number of outstanding difficulties between Sikorski and Stalin were apparently found to be insoluble. Discussion of some of them was postponed to the indefinite future, others were left in an unclarified state and will undoubtedly give rise to considerable friction." Henderson to Welles, April 8, 1942, box 165, Poland files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 44: When, in the spring of 1941, Welles broached the possibility of extending Red Cross relief to Soviet-occupied Eastern Poland, Oumansky flatly rejected such aid by charging that Moscow could not allow any "foreign agents" in Soviet-controlled territory. Welles indignantly replied that Oumansky's recalcitrance would hardly "promote a closer interchange" between Washington and Moscow. See Welles memorandum of conversation with Oumansky, April 9, 1941, box 166, USSR files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 45: Welles to Roosevelt, February 19, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 107-108; memorandum of conversation by Welles, March 6, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 114-116. Back.
Note 46: Memorandum of conversation, by Welles, March 6, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 114-115; memorandum of Welles conversation with Sikorski, March 25, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 123-133. Back.
Note 47: Memorandum of Welles conversation with Sikorski, March 25, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 123-133. Back.
Note 48: Welles memorandum of conversation with Halifax, February 18, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 520. Back.
Note 49: Welles memorandum of conversation with Halifax, February 18, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 520. Back.
Note 50: Memorandum of conversation with Halifax, "British-Soviet negotiations," February 20, 1942, box 166, USSR files, folder 3, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 51: Memorandum of conversation with Halifax, "British-Soviet negotiations," February 20, 1942, box 166, USSR files, folder 3, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 52: "Aide-Memoire by the British Foreign Office," February 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 524-525; "Substance of telegram "B" from the Foreign Office to Lord Halifax," February 1942, box 166, USSR files, folder 3, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 53: FO 371/32876, Halifax to Foreign Office, February 20, 1942, PRO; Anthony Eden, The Eden Memoirs: The Reckoning (London: Cassell, 1965), 323-24. Back.
Note 54: Memorandum of conversation between Welles, Standley, and Roosevelt, March 5, 1942, box 166, USSR files, folder 3, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 55: FO 371/32877, Eden to Churchill, March 6, 1942, PRO. Back.
Note 56: FO 371/32877, Churchill to Roosevelt, March 7, 1942, PRO; FO 371/32877, Eden to Halifax, March 7, 1942, PRO. Back.
Note 57: Memorandum of conversation with Halifax, by Welles, April 1, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 538. Back.
Note 58: Welles to Berle, April 4, 1942, box 164, Great Britain files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL. Even Alexander Cadogan thought that Eden was too willing "to throw to the winds all principles." See Mastny, Russia's Road to the Cold War, 45. Back.
Note 59: Woodward, British Foreign Policy in the Second World War, 194-196. Back.
Note 60: Welles to Berle, April 4, 1942, box 164, Great Britain files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; Berle Diary, March 28, 1942, box 213, Berle papers, FDRL. President Roosevelt told Welles that an American endorsement of the Anglo-Soviet Treaty "would mean that I tear up the Atlantic Charter before the ink is dry on it. I will not do that." Nevertheless, Roosevelt subsequently told Molotov that he had no serious objections to the Anglo-Soviet Treaty. See memorandum of conversation among Molotov, Roosevelt, and Hopkins, May 29, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 569. Back.
Note 61: Memorandum of conversation with Ronald Campbell, by Welles, containing text of Foreign Office telegram, June 1, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 583-585. Back.
Note 62: Other members of the administration may have felt similarly. When Welles told Berle that the Anglo-Soviet Treaty was presenting Washington with a fait accompli in Eastern Europe, Berle confided in his diary: "I am afraid this is true. I am also afraid that every British politician will get behind us and insist that we, in substance, did it." Berle Diary, April 4, 1942, box 213, Berle papers, FDRL Back.
Note 63: It bears repeating that this formidable roster included Senators Tom Connally, Warren Austin, Walter George, Wallace White, and Elbert Thomas; Representatives Charles Eaton, Sol Blum, and Luther Johnson; administration figures such as Dean Acheson, Adolf Berle, and eventually Cordell Hull himself; and other shapers of public opinion such as Anne O'Hare McCormick, Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Isaiah Bowman, James T. Shotwell, and Archibald MacLeish. Back.
Note 64: Leo Pasvolsky, "Memorandum on Official Statements of Post-War Policy," January 3, 1942, Postwar Foreign Policy Files, box 190, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; P document 23, "Union of Soviet Socialist Republics," June 10, 1942, box 56, Notter files; P document 121, "Tentative Views of the Subcommittee on Political Problems," (March 7-October 10, 1942), October 22, 1942, box 56, Notter files; P minutes 11, May 16, 1942; "The Atlantic Charter and National Independence," November 13, 1942, Atlantic Charter File, box 13, Notter files. Back.
Note 65: P minutes 2, March 14, 1942; P minutes 11, May 16, 1942; P document 137, "Background Information on the Soviet Union," November 13, 1942, box 56; P document 121, "Tentative Views of the Subcommittee on Political Problems," (March 7-October 10, 1942), October 22, 1942, box 56. Back.
Note 66: "Official Statements of Postwar Policy," by Notter and Rothwell, January 2, 1942, box 190, Postwar Foreign Policy Files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; P minutes 2, March 14, 1942, Notter Files. Back.
Note 67: P minutes 2, March 14, 1942; P minutes 44, February 6, 1943; Memorandum of conversation between Notter and Rothwell, "The Possibilities of Revolution During and Immediately Following the Present War," August 30, 1941, box 8, Notter Files; P minutes 5, April 4, 1942. Back.
Note 68: P minutes 2, March 14, 1942. Back.
Note 69: P minutes 2, March 14, 1942. Back.
Note 70: P minutes 2, March 14, 1942; P minutes 5, April 4, 1942. Back.
Note 71: Welles, "Political Cooperation During the War: A Lost Opportunity," 127-129. Back.
Note 72: P minutes 2, March 14, 1942. Back.
Note 73: P minutes 19, July 18, 1942; P minutes 7, April 18, 1942; P minutes 8, April 25, 1942; P minutes 9, May 2, 1942. Back.
Note 74: T document 2, "Polish Population," April 1, 1942, box 60, Notter files; T document 13 "A Note of the Eastern Provinces of Poland," June 26, 1942, box 60, Notter files; T document 16 and P document 190, "Boundary Problems of the East European Region," June 1942, box 60, Notter files. Back.
Note 75: P minutes 11, May 16, 1942; P minutes 12, May 23, 1942; P minutes 13, May 30, 1942. Back.
Note 76: Steinhardt to Welles, April 24, 1942, box 83, folder 15, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 77: P minutes 35, November 28, 1942; P document 134, "Official Russian Statements, July 1941-November 1942," November 28, 1942, Notter files. Back.
Note 78: Welles did not specify the nations to which they would emigrate. P document 193, "The Baltic States," February 4, 1943, box 57; "The Atlantic Charter and National Independence," November 13, 1942, Atlantic Charter File, Notter files, box 13; P minutes 2, March 14, 1942. Back.
Note 79: P minutes 2, March 14, 1942. Back.
Note 80: P minutes 13, May 30, 1942. Back.
Note 81: P minutes 35, November 28, 1942; P document 121, "Tentative Views of the Subcommittee on Political Problems," (March 7-October 10, 1942), October 22, 1942, box 56, Notter files; P document 151, "Tentative Views of the Subcommittee on Political Problems," (March 7-December 5, 1942), December 7, 1942, box 57, Notter files. Back.
Note 82: P minutes 35, November 28, 1942. Back.
Note 83: Henderson to Welles, April 8, 1942, box 165, Poland files, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; Poland: Map II, May 21, 1942, box 191, Postwar Foreign Policy Files, Eastern Europe: Postwar, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 84: P minutes 35, November 28, 1942. At one point in the discussion, Isaiah Bowman warned that territorial problems in the region might have repercussions at home, pointing out that a substantial number of Finns inhabited Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. Back.
Note 85: P minutes 35, November 28, 1942. Isaiah Bowman later told Welles that Benes thought a middle way might be found for the future of Eastern Europe through the promotion of a socialistic "guided revolution." The Czech leader would reassure Welles that "Czechoslovakia would never become communistic." See Memorandum of conversation between Bowman and Benes, May 19, 1943, box 87, folder 2, Welles papers; memorandum of conversation between Welles and Benes, May 17, 1943, box 161, Czechoslovakia file, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 86: P minutes 35, November 28, 1942; memorandum to Welles by Hamilton Fish Armstrong, "Note on Alternative Soviet Policies in Europe," box 191, Postwar Foreign Policy Files, Eastern Europe: Postwar, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 87: Shotwell to Welles, January 15, 1943, with enclosure, box 192, Postwar Foreign Policy Files, folder 8, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 88: Isaiah Bowman, "Memorandum on Russia," March 6, 1943, box 87, folder 2, Welles papers, FDRL; P minutes 46, March 6, 1943, Notter files. Back.
Note 89: Some scholars have argued that in 1943 American and British officials tolerated Moscow's aims in Eastern Europe because they remained concerned about the prospects of a negotiated peace between Moscow and Berlin. See, for example, Vojtech Mastny, "Stalin and the Prospects of a Separate Peace in World War II," 1388. Welles and the planners, however, never expressed any concern about a negotiated peace between Berlin and Moscow, and instead sought to appease Stalin's aims because they sought the friendship and cooperation of Moscow, but also because they believed they had no other alternative Back.
Note 90: For accounts arguing that U.S. policy blunders or duplicity led to Stalin's control of Eastern Europe see, for example, William C. Bullitt, "How We Won the War and Lost the Peace," Life (August 30, 1948): 82-97; Robert Nisbet, Roosevelt and Stalin: The Failed Courtship (Washington: Regnery Publishing, 1988); Frederick Marks, Wind Over Sand: The Diplomacy of Franklin Roosevelt (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988); Amos Perlmutter, FDR and Stalin: A Not So Grand Alliance, 1943-1945 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1993). As early as March 1943, after briefings from Welles, Roosevelt told Eden that he would not force the USSR to give up the Baltic states and he would not oppose Moscow's demands on Finland. Nor did the president oppose the Curzon Line as the starting point for discussions on the future Polish-Soviet border. See FO 371/35365, Eden to Churchill, March 17, 1943, PRO. Back.
Note 91: Richard C. Lukas, The Strange Allies: The United States and Poland, 1941-1945 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1978), 8. Welles to Roosevelt, April 7, 1941, box 151, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 92: Sikorski memorandum to Welles: "The Problems of Central and Southeastern Europe," December 7, 1942, box 165, Poland files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 93: Memorandum of conversation with Sikorski, by Welles, January 4, 1943, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 314-318; Welles to Roosevelt, January 5, 1943, and enclosure: Welles's draft of Roosevelt to Sikorski, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 319-320; T document 228, "Soviet Rule in Eastern Poland, 1939-1941," January 23, 1943, box 62, Notter files. Back.
Note 94: P minutes 41, January 16, 1943. Back.
Note 95: Memorandum of conversation with Sikorski, by Welles, January 4, 1943, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 314-318. Back.
Note 96: Memorandum of conversation by Welles, January 30, 1943, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 325-326; "Annex: Memorandum on Polish-Soviet Relations," January 30, 1943, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 326-327; Memorandum of conversation by Welles, February 5, 1943, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 328-329; P document 192, "Poland," February 4, 1943, box 57, Notter files. Back.
Note 97: Welles memorandum of conversation with Ciechanowski, January 30, 1943, box 165, Poland files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL; Welles to Roosevelt, February 18, 1943 with Ciechanowski memorandum, box 152, folder 3, Welles papers, FDRL; Welles memorandum of conversation with Ciechanowski, March 1, 1943, box 165, Poland files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 98: P minutes 45, February 20, 1943. Back.
Note 99: The massacre, which included the execution of more than 4,000 Poles, had been carried out under the direct orders of Stalin and the Soviet Politburo and had virtually eliminated the cream of the Polish officer corps. See Allen Paul, Katyn: The Untold Story of Stalin's Polish Massacre (New York: Scribners, 1991); and Vladimir Abarinov, The Murderers of Katyn (New York: Hippocrene, 1993). Back.
Note 100: CAB 66/36 WP(43) 175, "Russo-Polish Relations" by Churchill, April 26, 1943, including Churchill to Stalin, April 24, 1943, PRO. Back.
Note 101: P minutes 45, February 20, 1943; T document 228, "Soviet Rule in Eastern Poland, 1939-1941," January 23, 1943, box 62, Notter files. Back.
Note 102: Welles to Biddle, June 16, 1943, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 431. Welles had apparently forgotten his many attempts during the past year to depose de Gaulle as leader of the Free French. Back.
Note 103: Welles memorandum of conversation with Gromyko, June 15, 1943, box 166, USSR files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. An immediate showdown with Stalin over Poland was further delayed when Sikorski's Liberator aircraft was mysteriously blown up after taking off from British Gibraltar in July 1943. For the impact of Sikorski's death on Anglo-Polish relations, see Anita J. Prazmowska, Britain and Poland, 1939-1943: The Betrayed Ally (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 180-185. For an account that Sikorski's death was convenient to the British, see Piotr S. Wandycz, The United States and Poland (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980), 269. Back.
Note 104: "Try as they might," Lloyd Gardner has written, "Roosevelt and his advisers could neither escape the ideas of the charter nor the reality of Great Power politics." See Lloyd C. Gardner, "The Atlantic Charter: Idea and Reality, 1942-1945," in The Atlantic Charter, ed. Douglas Brinkley and David Facey-Crowther (London: Macmillan, 1994), 53. Back.
Note 105: Sumner Welles, Seven Decisions That Shaped History (New York: Harper, 1950), 127. Back.
Note 106: The most thorough account of U.S. interest in an East European federation can be found in Geir Lundestad, The American Non-Policy Towards Eastern Europe, 1943-1947 (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1978), 347-393. Back.
Note 107: Minutes for the Advisory Committee on Problems of Foreign Relations, May 7, 1940, box 191, Postwar Foreign Policy Files, Postwar: 1940-41, folder 7, Welles papers, FDRL; Welles to Roosevelt, April 7, 1941, box 151, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Starting in the fall of 1939, the British Foreign Office had held vague internal discussions about a regional federation of some sort for Eastern Europe. But dating back to the end of World War I, the Poles had been the leading proponents of a supranational federation in Eastern Europe. In November 1940 the exiled Poles reached a preliminary agreement with Benes and his Czech government-in-exile over a postwar confederation for the region. Eden even went to Moscow in December 1941 with a proposal for a similar scheme. The British Foreign Office feared that, unless some solution was found for the future of Eastern Europe, the Russians would dominate the region after the war. At the time, Stalin seemed receptive to plans for a regional federation, and he did not rule out the possibility of some sort of supranational organization. In January 1942, Poland and Czechoslovakia repeated their desire to unite in some form of federation, and Greece and Yugoslavia followed with similar declarations. See, for example, Piotr S. Wandycz, Czechoslovak-Polish Confederation and the Great Powers, 1940-1943 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1979); as well as Gardner, Spheres of Influence, 111-112; Mastny, Russia's Road to the Cold War, 56; and P document 205, "Interlocking Confederations in East-Central Europe," February 19, 1943, box 57, Notter files Back.
Note 108: P minutes 10, May 9, 1942; P minutes 11, May 16, 1942; P document 24, "An East European Union," February 18, 1942, box 56; P document 16, "Plan For Central European Union," May 27, 1942, box 56. Back.
Note 109: P minutes 10, May 9, 1942. Back.
Note 110: P minutes 17, June 27, 1942; P document 46, "Proposals for the Political Reorganization of Eastern Europe," August 19, 1942, box 56. Back.
Note 111: P minutes 11, May 16, 1942; P minutes 14, June 6, 1942. Back.
Note 112: P minutes 12, May 23, 1942. Back.
Note 113: P minutes 12, May 23, 1942; P document 191, "Eastern Europe: Regional Factors," box 57; P document 16, "Plan For Central European Union," May 27, 1942, box 56; P document 46, "Proposals for the Political Reorganization of Eastern Europe," August 19, 1942, box 56; P minutes 23, August 22, 1942; memorandum of Welles conversation with Sikorski, December 4, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 199-202. Back.
Note 114: P minutes 14, June 6, 1942; P minutes 13, May 30, 1942. Back.
Note 115: P document 204, "The Feasibility of an East European Union," February 10, 1943, box 57. During an August 1942 meeting between Welles and Richard Law of the British Foreign Office to discuss postwar planning, Law enthusiastically endorsed creating a federation, calling it a "Tennessee Valley Authority" for the Danube River basin. Welles warned Law that while such a scheme represented a small step in the right direction, a TVA for the Danube would not nearly go far enough to resolve the region's ills, which, he added, had been exacerbated by centuries of local hatreds and great power politics. See memorandum of conversation between Welles and Richard Law, "Postwar Problems," August 25, 1942, box 164, Great Britain files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 116: P document 202, "Secret Official Commitments Regarding the East European Countries," February 5, 1943, box 57; P minutes 44, February 6, 1943; P minutes 45, February 20, 1943; P document 206, "Soviet and British Attitudes," February 18, 1943, box 57; P document 135, "Official Russian Views on Postwar Settlements," November 11, 1942, box 56; Welles memorandum of conversation with Czech Minister Hurban, "Proposed Federation between Poland and Czechoslovakia," December 2, 1942, box 161, Czechoslovakia file, Welles papers, FDRL; T document 200a, "Soviet War Aims as Presented by Soviet Sources," September 14, 1943, box 61, Notter files. Back.
Note 117: P document 191, "East Europe: Regional Factors," February 4, 1943, box 57; P document 202, "Secret Official Commitments Regarding the Eastern European Countries," February 5, 1943, box 57; P minutes 44, February 6, 1943, box 57. Back.
Note 118: P minutes 45, February 20, 1943. The Poles, too, had enthusiastically backed plans for a federation, which they hoped might succeed in containing both a postwar Germany and the Soviet Union. "Poland would be the anchor in the north and Turkey the anchor in the south," Sikorski told Welles. (Memorandum of conversation with Sikorski, by Welles, January 4, 1943, FRUS, vol. III, 1943, 317). Welles told the planners that Turkey would also play a crucial role in the security of the region, and he read a recent message from Turkish officials that explained that they would enthusiastically support a truly independent federation but would vigorously oppose one controlled by Moscow. According to Welles, the Turks were particularly nervous about the future of the Black Sea straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosporus, which, along with Constantinople, the Allies had promised to the Czar in 1915. Welles warned the planners that the Soviets had once again begun to show greater interest in the straits. "Every move which Turkey is making has, of course, the position of Soviet Russia in mind," Welles explained. He further added that Turkey desired a reaffirmation of the 1936 Straits Convention signed at Montreux, desiring a new treaty that would be backed by the United States and Great Britain. See P minutes 45, February 20, 1943. Back.
Note 119: P minutes 45, February 20, 1943. Back.
Note 120: Winston Churchill, The Second World War, vol. 4 (London: Cassell, 1948-1954), 717; FO 371/35435, Eden to Churchill, June 16, 1943, PRO. Back.
Note 121: Welles to E. R. Graves, April 13, 1948, box 133, folder 1, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 122: P minutes 44, February 6, 1943, box 57; P document 206, "Soviet and British Attitudes," February 18, 1943, box 57; "The Atlantic Charter and National Independence," November 13, 1942, Atlantic Charter File, box 13, Notter files; see also Sumner Welles, "Political Cooperation During the War: A Lost Opportunity," in Kimball, Roosevelt and the World Crisis, 131. Back.
Note 123: Welles himself would later admit that "Roosevelt was occasionally apt to rely too greatly upon a few favorite panaceas for problems that were actually too basic and far-reaching in their origins and nature to admit of any easy solutions," and that the President "was even more wedded to the idea that plebiscites are a universal remedy than Woodrow Wilson had been." See Welles, Seven Decisions, 136. Back.
Note 124: Welles, Time for Decision, 332-334. For the contrary view that Washington did not consider the Good Neighbor Policy as a model for Moscow's relations with its neighbors, see, for example, Lynn E. Davis, The Cold War Begins: Soviet-American Conflict over Eastern Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), 143. Back.
Note 125: For an account of how Washington sought to make distinctions between Moscow's potential influence on the foreign policies of its neighbors and its influence on their internal policies, see, for example, John Vloyantes, "The Significance of Pre-Yalta Policies Regarding Liberated Countries in Europe," Western Political Quarterly 11 (June 1958): 215, 226-28. Back.
Note 126: Gabriel Kolko, The Politics of War: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1943-1945 (New York: Pantheon, 1990), 102-103; Gardner, Spheres of Influence, 196. Back.
Note 127: P minutes 38, December 19, 1942. Back.
Note 128: P document 34, "Tentative Views of the Subcommittee on Political Problems," August 12, 1942, box 56; Woodward, British Foreign Policy in the Second World War, vol. 2, 550; P document 206, "Soviet and British Attitudes," February 18, 1943, box 57. Back.
Note 129: Welles, Seven Decisions, 189; FO 371/35435, Halifax to Foreign Office, June 29, 1943, PRO. Back.
Note 130: Keith Eubank, Summit at Teheran (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1985), 66-67; Welles memorandum of conversation with Litvinov, May 7, 1943, box 166, USSR files, folder 4, Welles papers, FDRL. Back.
Note 131: A few years after Welles's departure from the administration, his admirers claimed that his continued presence in Washington might have helped to produce an outcome other than the Cold War. The case was made, by the columnist Drew Pearson among others, that Welles's resignation in September 1943 may well have been a significant moment for Eastern Europe, as well as for the prospects for postwar entente between Washington and Moscow. Back.
Note 132: Welles, Seven Decisions, 189; Charles Bohlen Notes on Roosevelt-Stalin Conversation, December 1, 1943, FRUS: The Conferences at Cairo and Teheran, 1943 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961), 594-595. Back.
Note 133: P document 34, "Tentative Views of the Subcommittee on Political Problems," August 12, 1942, box 56; P document 236, "Political Subcommittee Summary of Views: March 1942 to July 1943," box 57; memorandum of conversation between Welles and Halifax, April 1, 1942, FRUS, vol. III, 1942, 538. Back.
Note 134: Nonetheless, Stalin's wartime territorial aims turned out to be relatively modest when compared to what Welles and the planners assumed he might seek. Back.
Note 135: P document 236, "Political Subcommittee Summary of Views: March 1942 to July 1943," box 57. Back.
Note 136: P minutes 13, May 30, 1942. Back.
Note 137: P minutes 13, May 30, 1942; P document 236, "Political Subcommittee Summary of Views: March 1942 to July 1943," box 57. The statement that the Baltic states "themselves realized that they were not viable as states" was untrue. Armed resistance to Soviet rule continued until 1952. See, for example, Aleksandras Shtromas, "The Baltic States as Soviet Republics: Tensions and Contradictions," in The Baltic States: The National Self-Determination of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, ed. Graham Smith (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994), 87-92. Back.
Note 138: P document 236, "Political Subcommittee Summary of Views: March 1942 to July 1943," box 57. Back.
Note 139: The argument has been made that London should have adhered to Washington's stance against an Anglo-Soviet Treaty confirming Stalin's territorial aims. See, for example, Steven Merritt Miner, Between Churchill and Stalin: The Soviet Union, Great Britain, and the Origins of the Grand Alliance (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988). This assessment overlooks the fact that in the wake of the Anglo-Soviet Treaty U.S. officials quickly abandoned their rigid stance against wartime territorial settlements. Back.
Note 140: P document 236, "Political Subcommittee Summary of Views: March 1942 to July 1943," box 57. Back.
Note 141: "Suggested United States Policy Regarding Poland," FRUS, Malta and Yalta, 230-234; Yalta Conference Communiqué, February 12, 1945, FRUS: The Conferences at Malta and Yalta, 1945 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1955), 977-978. Back.
Sumner Welles, Postwar Planning, and the Quest for a New World Order, 1937-1943
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