Note 1: The Western press paid considerable attention to the Naprama movement. See, for example, "Mystic Warriors Gaining Ground in Mozambique War," Chicago Tribune, 9 December 1990, 1. See also Alex Vines, Renamo: Terrorism in Mozambique (London: Centre for Southern African Studies, University of York, in association with James Currey; Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), 118-19. Back.
Note 2: For an elegant model of this feminist-ethnoarchaeological approach to material culture, see Janet Spector, What This Awl Means: Feminist Archaeology at a Wahpeton Dakota Village (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1993). See also Henrietta Moore, Space, Text and Gender: An Anthropological Study of the Marakwet of Kenya (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). Back.
Note 3: For discussion of the relationship between the TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Commission) and views of oral history in South Africa, see Gary Minkley and Ciraj Rassool, "Orality, Memory, and Social History in South Africa," in Negotiating the Past: The Making of Memory in South Africa, ed. Sarah Nuttall and Carli Coetzee (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1998). Other essays in this collection explore in more depth some of the debates surrounding the premises, procedures, and findings of the TRC; see, for example, Anthony Holiday, "Forgiving and Forgetting: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission," and Ingrid de Kok, "Cracked Heirlooms: Memory on Exhibition." Back.
Note 4: Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985). Originally published as De la tradition orale: Essai de méthode historique (Tervuren: Musée Royal de l'Afrique Centrale, 1961). Back.
Note 5: For a recent statement of this view, see Luise White, "Telling More: Lies, Secrets, and History," in "'Not Telling': Secrecy, Lies, and History," ed. Gary Minkley and Martin Legassick, special issue, History and Theory 39 (December 2000): 11-22. Back.
Note 6: For an eloquent exploration of memory's unintended meanings in the South African context, see Helena Pohlandt-McCormick, "'I Saw a Nightmare . . .': Violence and the Construction of Memory (Soweto, June 16, 1976)," in "'Not Telling': Secrecy, Lies, and History," ed. Gary Minkley and Martin Legassick, special issue 39, History and Theory (December 2000): 23-44. Back.
Note 7: For one of the clearest early explanations of the inescapably social character of memory, see the Popular Memory Group, "Popular Memory: Theory, Politics, Method," in Making Histories: Studies in History Writing and Politics, ed. Richard Johnson et al. (London: Hutchinson in association with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham, 1982). Back.
Note 8: The ages I use here are approximations. According to the 1980 national census, Magude district had a total population of 104,011, including 48,526 men (46.7 percent of the total) and 55,485 women (53.3 percent of the total). In the mid-1990s, district officials were struggling to keep track of population totals, as displaced individuals and families began to return to rural Magude but often retained an urban residence elsewhere, for reasons of security and better access to resources. The official district count of Magude's population as of July 1995 was 74,442 (Heidi Gengenbach, Women, Land and Resettlement in Magude District: A Field Study [Maputo: Norwegian Refugee Council, 1997], 8-9). The 1997 census gives Magude's total population as only 42,788, with 18,160 men (42.4 percent of the total) and 24,628 women (57.6 percent of the total)and reveals a noticeable drop in the "masculinity index" over this period, from 73.7 to 87.6. Back.
Note 9: I lived in Magude continuously from April 1995 to March 1996, and then again from September to December 1996. Back.
Note 10:Cf. Steven Feierman, "The Creation of Invisible Histories," in Beyond the Cultural Turn: New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture, ed. Victoria E. Bonnell and Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), especially 196-209. Back.
Note 11: Paul la Hausse, "Oral History and South African Historians," in History from South Africa: Alternative Visions and Practices, ed. Joshua Brown et al. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991), 345. First published in Radical History Review 46/47 (winter 1990): 346-56. Back.
Note 12: Charles van Onselen, The Seed Is Mine: The Life of Kas Maine, a South African Sharecropper, 1894-1985 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996), 11. Back.
Note 13: See, in addition to The Seed Is Mine, Belinda Bozzoli (with Mmantho Nkotsoe), Women of Phokeng: Consciousness, Life Strategy, and Migrancy in South Africa, 1900-1983 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1991); Patrick Harries, "'A Forgotten Corner of the Transvaal': Reconstructing the History of a Relocated Community through Oral Testimony and Song," in Class, Community, and Conflict: South African Perspectives, ed. Belinda Bozzoli (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1987); Tim Keegan, Facing the Storm: Portraits of Black Lives in Rural South Africa (London: Zed Books, 1988); Ted Matsetela, "The Life Story of Nkgono Mma-Pooe: Aspects of Sharecropping and Proletarianisation in the Northern Orange Free State, 1890-1930," in Industrialisation and Social Change in South Africa: African Class Formation, Culture, and Consciousness, 1870-1930, ed. Shula Marks and Richard Rathbone (New York: Longman, 1982); Jeff Peires, "The Legend of Fenner-Solomon," in Class, Community, and Conflict, ed. Bozzoli. Back.
Note 14: See Iris Berger, Threads of Solidarity: Women in South African Industry, 1900-1980 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992); Jacklyn Cock, Maids and Madams: Domestic Workers under Apartheid (London: Women's Press, 1989); Jeff Guy and Motlatsi Thabane, "Technology, Ethnicity and Ideology: Basotho Miners and Shaft-Sinking on the South African Gold Mines," Journal of Southern African Studies 14, no. 2 (1988): 257-78; T. Dunbar Moodie, Going for Gold: Men, Mines, and Migration (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Bill Nasson, "'She Preferred Living in the Cave with Harry the Snake-Catcher': Towards an Oral History of Popular Leisure and Class Expression in District Six, Cape Town, c.1920-1950," in Holding Their Ground: Class, Locality, and Conflict in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century South Africa, ed. Philip Bonner et al. (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1989). Back.
Note 15: See P. L. Bonner, "Family, Crime and Political Consciousness on the East Rand, 1939-1955," Journal of Southern African Studies 14, no. 3 (1988): 393-420; Helen Bradford, A Taste of Freedom: The I.C.U. in Rural South Africa, 1924-1930 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987); Peter Delius, A Lion amongst the Cattle: Reconstruction and Resistance in the Northern Transvaal (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1996); Jeff Guy and Motlatsi Thabane, "The Ma-Rashea: A Participant's Perspective," in Class, Community, and Conflict, ed. Bozzoli; Paul la Hausse, "'The Cows of Nongoloza': Youth, Crime and Amalaita Gangs, 1900-1936," Journal of Southern African Studies 16, no. 1 (1990): 79-111; T. Dunbar Moodie, "The Moral Economy of the Black Miners' Strike of 1946," Journal of Southern African Studies 13, no. 1 (1986): 1-35. Back.
Note 16: Charles van Onselen, "The Reconstruction of a Rural Life from Oral Testimony: Critical Notes on the Methodology Employed in the Study of a Black South African Sharecropper," Journal of Peasant Studies 20, no. 3 (1993): 494-514. Back.
Note 17: Cf. Karen Jochelson, "Women, Migrancy, and Morality: A Problem of Perspective (Review)," Journal of Southern African Studies 21, no. 2 (1995): 323-32. Back.
Note 18: See Bozzoli's discussion of these issues in Women of Phokeng, 8-12. Back.
Note 19: Van Onselen, "Reconstruction of a Rural Life," 505. This approach fits what James Fentress and Chris Wickham called the "textual model" of memory. See James Fentress and Chris Wickham, Social Memory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 5-6. Back.
Note 20: Isabel Hofmeyr, "'Wailing for Purity:' Oral Studies in Southern African Studies," African Studies 54, no. 2 (1995): 26. The pioneering published work on narrativity and oral history in Africa was Elizabeth Tonkin, Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), where she argued that "professional historians who use the recollections of others cannot just scan them for useful facts to pick out, like currants from a cake. Any such facts are so embedded in the representation that it directs an interpretation of them, and its very ordering, its plotting and its metaphors bear meaning too" (6). Back.
Note 21: Isabel Hofmeyr, "We Spend Our Years as a Tale That Is Told": Oral Historical Narrative in a South African Chiefdom (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1994); Leroy Vail and Landeg White, Power and the Praise Poem: Southern African Voices in History (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991). Back.
Note 22: Vail and White, Power and the Praise Poem, xiii. Bill Nasson in Abraham Esau's War: A Black South African War in the Cape, 1899-1902 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) also explores the politics of memory and the institutions of memory's reproduction in South Africa. Back.
Note 23: Hofmeyr and Vail and White, for instance, include a perfunctory mention of the problem of language and translation, yet their concern for the relationship between the circumstances of interviewing and their scholarly conclusions appears to stop there. Back.
Note 24: Premesh Lalu, "The Grammar of Domination and the Subjection of Agency: Colonial Texts and Modes of Evidence," in "'Not Telling': Secrecy, Lies, and History," ed. Gary Minkley and Martin Legassick, special issue 39, History and Theory (December 2000): 49. See also Gary Minkley and Ciraj Rassool, "Orality, Memory, and Social History in South Africa," in Negotiating the Past: The Making of Memory in South Africa, ed. Sarah Nuttall and Carli Coetzee (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1998), 90. Back.
Note 25: Terence Ranger, Voices from the Rocks: Nature, Culture, and History in the Matopos Hills of Zimbabwe (Oxford: James Currey, 1999); Terence Ranger, "Violence Variously Remembered: The Killing of Pieter Oberholzer in July 1964," History in Africa 24 (1997): 273-83. Back.
Note 26: Carolyn Hamilton, Terrific Majesty: The Powers of Shaka Zulu and the Limits of Historical Invention (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998). Back.
Note 27: Luise White, The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo: Texts and Politics in Zimbabwe (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003). In her previous book, White articulated a methodology rooted in the "telling" powers of rumor, make-believe, and lies in oral remembrance. See White, Speaking with Vampires: Rumor and History in Colonial Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); also see her article "Telling More." Back.
Note 28: See, for example, Luise White, "Telling More: Lies, Secrets, and History," in "'Not Telling': Secrecy, Lies, and History," ed. Gary Minkley and Martin Legassick, special issue 39, History and Theory (December 2000): 16-17. Back.
Note 29: See, in particular, James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). For the purpose of this discussion, I follow an early definition of "life history" offered by Langness: "an extensive record of a person's life told to and recorded by another, who then edits and writes the life as though it were autobiography" (L. L. Langness, The Life History in Anthropological Sciences [New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965], quoted in Susan Geiger, "Women's Life Histories: Method and Content," Signs 11, no. 2 : 334-51). I recognize that there is a wide range of approaches to the textual rendering of a person's life, ongoing debate over methodology and authorship, and disagreement over whether "life history" can be considered a genre at all. However, narratives described and utilized as "life histories" in African historiography have tended to follow Langness's definition in its general outlines. For a recent overview of these discussions, see Corinne Kratz, "Conversations and Lives," in African Words, African Voices: Critical Practices in Oral History, ed. Luise White, Stephan F. Miescher, and David William Cohen (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001). Back.
Note 30: Critiques include Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5, no. 1 (1990): 7-27; Frances E. Mascia-Lees, Patricia Sharpe, and Colleen Ballerino Cohen, "The Postmodernist Turn in Anthropology: Cautions from a Feminist Perspective," Signs 15, no. 1 (1989): 7-33; Kamala Visweswaran, "Defining Feminist Ethnography," chap. in Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994). Feminist scholars were not of one mind on this subject, however; for a contrary view, see Daphne Patai, "U.S. Academics and Third World Women: Is Ethical Research Possible?" and Judith Stacey, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" in Women's Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History, ed. Sherna Berger Gluck and Daphne Patai (New York: Routledge, 1991). Back.
Note 31: Jean Davison uses this term to describe the interviewing relationship she sought with women in Kenya. See Jean Davison, Voices from Mutira: Change in the Lives of Rural Gikuyu Women, 1910-1995, 2d ed. (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Reiner, 1996), 15. Back.
Note 32: See Davison, Voices from Mutira; Anne Laurentin, "Nzakara Women," in Women of Tropical Africa, ed. Denise Paulme (London: Routledge and Paul, 1971); Sarah LeVine, Mothers and Wives: Gusii Women of East Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979); Marjorie Shostak, Nisa: The Life and Words of a !Kung Woman (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983); Mary Smith, ed., Baba of Karo, a Woman of the Muslim Hausa (London: Faber and Faber, 1954); Irene Staunton, Mothers of the Revolution (Harare: Baobab Books, 1990). Back.
Note 33: See Alison Baker, Voices of Resistance: Oral Histories of Moroccan Women (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998); Bozzoli, Women of Phokeng; Barbara Cooper, Marriage in Maradi: Gender and Culture in a Hausa Society in Niger, 1900-1989 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1997); Susan Geiger, TANU Women: Gender and Culture in the Making of Tanganyikan Nationalism, 1955-1965 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1997); Sarah Mirza and Margaret Strobel, eds., Three Swahili Women: Life Histories from Mombasa, Kenya (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1989); Marcia Wright, Strategies of Slaves and Women: Life-Stories from East/Central Africa (London: James Currey, 1993). Some life history publications straddle this (admittedly somewhat artificial) dividesee, for example, Magdalene K. Ngaiza and Bertha Koda, eds., The Unsung Heroines: Women's Life Histories from Tanzania (Dar es Salaam: WRDP Publications, 1991), and Patricia W. Romero, ed., Life Histories of African Women (London: Ashfield Press, 1988). Back.
Note 34: In order of publication, these include Susan Geiger, "Women's Life Histories: Method and Content," Signs 11, no. 2 (1986): 334-51; Marjorie Mbilinyi, "'I'd Have Been a Man': Politics and the Labor Process in Producing Personal Narratives," in Personal Narratives Group, ed., Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Marjorie Shostak, "'What the Wind Won't Take Away': The Genesis of NisaThe Life and Words of a !Kung Woman," in Personal Narratives Group, ed., Interpreting Women's Lives; Leslie H. Townsend, "Out of Silence: Writing Interactive Women's Life Histories in Africa," History in Africa 17 (1990): 351-58; Kirk Hoppe, "Whose Life Is It, Anyway?: Issues of Representation in Life Narrative Texts of African Women," International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, no. 3 (1993): 623-36; Heidi Gengenbach, "Truth-Telling and the Politics of Women's Life History Research in Africa: A Reply to Kirk Hoppe," International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 3 (1994): 619-27. For overviews of this literature and of methodological debates, see the introductory chapters of Geiger, TANU Women; Mirza and Strobel, Three Swahili Women; Ngaiza and Koda, The Unsung Heroines; Davison, Voices from Mutira; and Pat Caplan, African Voices, African Lives: Personal Narratives from a Swahili Village (New York: Routledge, 1997). Back.
Note 35: Prominent early examples of feminist scholarship that depict ethnographic research as a contested, indeterminate process in which the researcher does not wield unchallenged authority nor fully control the "representation" of her subjects include Ruth Behar, Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza's Story (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993); Geiger, TANU Women; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994). Back.
Note 36:Personal Narratives Group, ed., Interpreting Women's Lives, 13. See also Karen E. Fields, "What One Cannot Remember Mistakenly," Oral History Journal 17, no. 1 (1989): 44-53. Back.
Note 37: See, for example, Lila Abu-Lughod, Writing Women's Worlds: Bedouin Stories (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Ruth Behar, "Rage and Redemption: Reading the Life Story of a Mexican Marketing Woman," Feminist Studies 16 (1990): 223-58; Julie Cruikshank, Life Lived Like a Story: Life Stories of Three Yukon Native Elders (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990); Blanca Muratorio, The Life and Times of Grandfather Alonso: Culture and History in the Upper Amazon (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1991); Luisa Passerini, Fascism in Popular Memory: The Cultural Experience of the Turin Working Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991). Back.
Note 38: Abu-Lughod, Writing Women's Lives, 30. Back.
Note 39: See Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Fentress and Wickham, James Fentress and Chris Wickham, Social Memory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); Popular Memory Group, "Popular Memory: Theory, Politics, Method," in Making Histories: Studies in History Writing and Politics, ed. Richard Johnson et al. (London: University of Birmingham, 1982). Back.
Note 40: Good examples of such work in Africa include Cooper, Marriage in Maradi; Geiger, TANU Women; and Richard Werbner, Tears of the Dead: The Social Biography of an African Family (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991). Back.
Note 41: As Portelli wrote, "'wrong tales' . . . are so very valuable [because] they allow us to recognize the interests of the tellers, and the dreams and desires beneath them" (Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli, 2). Some interesting studies that explore the mythical character of personal memory include Alison Baker, "History and Myth: Women's Stories of the Moroccan Resistance," Oral History Review 22, no. 1 (1995): 29-49; Cruikshank, Life Lived Like a Story; Alexander Freund and Laura Quilici, "Exploring Myths in Women's Narratives: Italian and German Immigrant Women in Vancouver, 1947-1961," BC Studies 105-6 (1995): 159-82; Luisa Passerini, "Women's Personal Narratives: Myths, Experiences, and Emotions," in Personal Narratives Group, ed., Interpreting Women's Lives; Alessandro Portelli, "The Massacre at Civitella Val de Chiana (Tuscany, June 29, 1944): Myth and Politics, Mourning and Common Sense," in The Battle of Valle Giulia: Oral History and the Art of Dialogue (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1997); Raphael Samuel and Paul Thompson, ed., The Myths We Live By (London: Routledge, 1990). See also Justin Willis, "Two Lives of Mpamizo: Understanding Dissonance in Oral History," History in Africa 23 (1996): 319-32. Back.
Note 42: The anthropological literature is extensive. For an early example, see Vincent Crapanzano, "Life-Histories: A Review Article," American Anthropologist 86, no. 4 (1984): 953-60. Twenty years later, anthropologists working in Africa (and elsewhere) still grapple with many of the same methodological and epistemological questions. See also Kratz, "Conversations and Lives." Back.
Note 43: Or, as Elizabeth Tonkin put it, "what humans recall is strongly connected to their identities, which include their social roles. . . . [O]ral narratives [are] social actions, situated in particular times and places and directed by individual tellers to specific audiences" (Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992], 96-97. See chapter 6 in its entirety for a thoughtful critique of social theories of memory and for a more elaborate statement of Tonkin's own views). On the cultural specificity of the "life history" genre, Paul Connerton argued that, while this form developed out of oral historians' effort to "give voice to what would otherwise remain voiceless" by "reconstituting" the life histories of individuals from subordinate social groups, it imposed a model derived from the culture of ruling elites: memoir-writing by "more or less famous citizens" who saw "their life as worth remembering because they are, in their own eyes, someone who has taken decisions which exerted, or can be represented as having exerted, a more or less wide influence and which have visibly changed part of their social world" (How Societies Remember, 18-19). Back.
Note 44: Tamara Giles-Vernick makes a similar point in her essay "Lives, Histories, and Sites of Recollection," in African Words, African Voices: Critical Practices in Oral History, ed. Luise White, Stephan F. Miescher, and David William Cohen (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001). For non-African work along these lines, see Patrick Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millenium (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994). Sarah Hill in Weaving New Worlds: Southeastern Cherokee Women and Their Basketry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997) examines how Cherokee women have used basket-weaving to record their perceptions and experiences of social, economic, and environmental changea history they might not have verbalized if asked to tell their life story without reference to material culture. Examples from anthropology include Joanne Rappaport, "History and Everyday Life in the Colombian Andes," Man 23, no. 4 (1988): 718-39; Keith Basso, Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996); Jennifer Cole, Forget Colonialism? Sacrifice and the Art of Memory in Madagascar (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). Back.
Note 45: Harold Scheub, "And So I Grew Up: The Autobiography of Nongenile Masithathu Zenani," in Life Histories of African Women, ed. Patricia W. Romero (London: Ashfield Press, 1988); Nongenile Masithathu Zenani and Harold Scheub, The World and the Word: Tales and Observations from the Xhosa Oral Tradition (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992). For a discussion of the importance of female character archetypes (e.g., women warriors, clever heroines who outwit men in authority) from Moroccan and Islamic legends, see Baker, "History and Myth." See also K. Limakatso Kendall, Basali! Stories by and about Women in Lesotho (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1995). Back.
Note 46: See Karin Barber, I Could Speak Until Tomorrow: Oriki, Women, and the Past in a Yoruba Town (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991); Francesca Declich, "'Gendered Narratives,' History, and Identity: Two Centuries Along the Juba River among the Zigula and Shanbara," History in Africa 22 (1995): 93-122; Liz Gunner, "Clashes of Interest: Gender, Status, and Power in Zulu Praise Poetry," in Power, Marginality and African Oral Literature, ed. Graham Furniss and Liz Gunner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Pier M. Larson, "Multiple Narratives, Gendered Voices: Remembering the Past in Highland Central Madagascar," International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 2 (1995): 292-325; Leroy Vail and Landeg White, "The Possession of the Dispossessed: Songs as History among Tumbuka Women," in Power and the Praise Poem. The phrase "unexpected locations" is from David Cohen, "Pim's Doorway," The Combing of History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 112. Cohen argued that formalist definitions of oral tradition had rigidified scholars' thinking about Africa's past and that we should rather appreciate how historical knowledge may involve "the everyday, critical, lively intelligence which surrounds the status, activities, gestures, and speech of individuals" (Cohen, "The Undefining of Oral Tradition," Ethnohistory 36, no. 1 : 9-18). In his original article on pim (elderly widows who serve as "nanny" educators for Luo children), Cohen explored the "invisible" role women could play in the production of historical knowledge outside the "masculine" structures of the patrilineage. See Cohen, "Doing Social History from Pim's Doorway," in Reliving the Past: The Worlds of Social History, ed. Olivier Zunz (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985). Back.
Note 47: As in C. A. Hamilton, "Ideology and Oral Traditions: Listening to the Voices 'From Below,'" History in Africa 14 (1987): 67-86; David Henige, Oral Historiography (London: Longman, 1982); Joseph Miller, ed., The African Past Speaks: Essays on Oral Tradition and History (Folkestone: Dawson, 1980); Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985). In her review article "Popular Arts in Africa" (African Studies Review 3, no. 30 : 5), Karin Barber identified not gender bias but "literate bias" as the reason many Africanist oral literary scholars have also tended to prefer studying narrative forms with clear generic boundaries (such as praise poetry) over more fluid and "diffuse" genres of popular oral performance. Back.
Note 48: Hofmeyr, "We Spend Our Years as a Tale That Is Told", 25. Back.
Note 49: While some excellent critiques of the treatment (or nontreatment) of women and gender in South African historiography have been published in recent years, scholars' preoccupation with the relative wealth of documentary sources available for colonial and apartheid history in South Africa has left little room for examining unconventional forms of evidence that might shed new light on women's historical consciousness and memory, particularly in rural communities. See, for example, Helen Bradford, "Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c. 1806-70," Journal of African History 37, no. 3 (1996): 351-71; Linzi Manicom, "Ruling Relations: Rethinking State and Gender in South African History," Journal of African History 33, no. 3 (1992): 441-65; Penelope Hetherington, "Women in South Africa: The Historiography in English," International Journal of African Historical Studies 26 (1993): 247-69. Back.
Note 50: Margaret McCord, The Calling of Katie Makanya: A Memoir of South Africa (New York: Wiley, 1995; Mpho 'M'atsepo Nthunya, Singing Away the Hunger: The Autobiography of an African Woman, ed. K. Limakatso Kendall (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996); Rebecca Hourwich Reyher, Zulu Woman: The Life Story of Christina Sibiya (New York: Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1999; originally published by Columbia University Press, 1948). I gauge historians' interest in these texts by the scant attention they received from reviewers in scholarly journals: Among Africa-centered publications, only the African Studies Review has reviewed Zulu Woman and Singing Away the Hunger. I am aware, however, of many historians of Africa who do include one or more of these books in courses on South(ern) African history and African women's life histories. Back.
Note 51: Jeanne Penvenne, "A Luta Continua! Recent Literature on Mozambique," International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 1 (1985): 136. Back.
Note 52: James Duffy, Portuguese Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959); Alan Smith, "The Struggle for Control of Southern Mozambique, 1720-1835" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1970); David Hedges, "Trade and Politics in Southern Mozambique and Zululand in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1978); Gerhard Liesegang, "Notes on the Internal Structure of the Gaza Kingdom of Southern Mozambique, 1840-1895," in Before and After Shaka: Papers in Nguni History, ed. J. B. Peires (Grahamstown: Institute of Social and Economic Research, Rhodes University, 1981); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1860-1910 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1994). Back.
Note 53: See Ruth First, Black Gold: The Mozambican Miner, Proletarian and Peasant (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1860-1910 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1994); Alpheus Manghezi, "Forced Labour in Colonial Mozambique: Peasants Remember" and "Work Songs of Mozambican Miners," in Third World Lives of Struggle, ed. Hazel Johnson and Henry Bernstein (Exeter, N.H.: Heinemann Educational Books in association with the Open University, 1982); Leroy Vail and Landeg White, Capitalism and Colonialism in Mozambique: A Study of Quelimane District (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980); Sherilynn Young, "Women in Transition: Southern Mozambique, 1975-6: Reflections on Colonialism, Aspirations for Independence," paper presented at History of Women Conference, 21 October 1977, St. Paul, Minn. The Centro de Estudos Africanos at Universidade Eduardo Mondlane took the lead in the postindependence project of rewriting Mozambique's history, relying largely on "popular" oral sources. Back.
Note 54: Sherilynn Young, "Fertility and Famine: Women's Agricultural History in Southern Mozambique," in The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa, ed. Robin Palmer and Neil Parsons (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977); David Webster, "Migrant Labour, Social Formations and the Proletarianisation of the Chopi of Southern Mozambique," African Perspectives 1 (1978): 157-74. Back.
Note 55: See, for example, Marvin Harris, "Labour Emigration among the Moçambique Thonga: Cultural and Political Factors," Africa 29 (1959): 50-66; Manghezi, "Work Songs of Mozambican Miners," in Third World Lives of Struggle, ed. Hazel Johnson and Henry Bernstein (Exeter, N.H.: Heinemann Educational Books in association with the Open University, 1982); Ruth First, Black Gold: The Mozambican Miner, Proletarian and Peasant (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1860-1910 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1994). For a fuller discussion of this literature, see chapter 1, "Historians' Maps: Origins, Destinations, and the Women 'Left Behind.'" Back.
Note 56: Sometimes even glaring dissonances between oral testimony and the nation-building/nation-rescuing agenda of postindependence scholars were ignored for purposes of telling the "necessary" story. For example, First's Black Gold, which was centrally concerned with documenting the rural costs (especially for women) of male labor migration, includes songs and oral accounts in which migrants' wives explicitly reject the stereotype of the "woman left behind" and insist to interviewers that men's absence was not a serious problem for them. To her credit, First chose to include this contradictory evidence rather than to leave it out of her text altogether, but she fails to address the complex social meanings of migrancy, meanings that women allude to through their choice of words, and that failure is symptomatic of this literature. Back.
Note 57: Sherilynn Young, "Fertility and Famine: Women's Agricultural History in Southern Mozambique," in The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa, ed. Robin Palmer and Neil Parsons (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 76. Building on the research of Marvin Harris, Young found that, by the late nineteenth century, women in southern Mozambique (particularly among the Tsonga-Shangaan) had begun to take over agricultural tasks (the felling and burning of trees, for example) previously performed by men and to assume sole responsibility for planting, field-watching, harvesting, and other tasks that men and women formerly shared (73). Back.
Note 58: For reviews of this literature, see Penvenne, "A Luta Continua!"; Landeg White, "Review Article: The Revolutions Ten Years On," Journal of Southern African Studies 11, no. 2 (1985): 320-32; and Arlindo Chilundo, "Recent Trends in Mozambican Historiography," unpublished paper, Maputo, 1987. Back.
Note 59: See, for example, Teresa Cruz e Silva and Alexandrino José, "História e a Problemática das Fontes," in Moçambique16 anos de historiografia: Focos, problemas, metodologias, desafios para a década de 90, ed. Alexandrino José and Paula Maria G. Meneses (Maputo: CEGRAF, 1992). Back.
Note 60: René Pélissier, review of A History of Mozambique by Malyn Newitt, Journal of Southern African Studies 21, no. 2 (1995): 333. Back.
Note 61: Allen Isaacman, Cotton Is the Mother of Poverty: Peasants, Work, and Rural Struggle in Colonial Mozambique, 1938-1961 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1996); Jeanne Marie Penvenne, African Workers and Colonial Racism: Mozambican Strategies and Struggles in Lourenço Marques, 1877-1962 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1995). Back.
Note 62: Allen Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman, Slavery and Beyond: The Making of Men and Chikunda Ethnic Identities in the Unstable World of South-Central Africa, 1750-1920 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2004); Jeanne Marie Penvenne, "Seeking the Factory for Women: Mozambican Urbanization in the Late Colonial Era," Journal of Urban History 23, no. 3 (1997): 342-79. Back.
Note 63: Arlindo G. Chilundo, "The Economic and Social Impact of the Rail and Road Transportation Systems in the Colonial District of Mozambique (1900-1961)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Minnesota, 1995); Elizabeth MacGonagle, "A Mixed Pot: History and Identity in the Ndau Region of Mozambique and Zimbabwe, 1500-1900" (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 2002); Teresa Cruz e Silva, Protestant Churches and the Formation of Political Consciousness in Southern Mozambique (1930-1974) (Basel: P. Schlettwein, 2001). Back.
Note 64: Kathleen Sheldon, Pounders of Grain: A History of Women, Work, and Politics in Mozambique (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2002). Earlier publications include Kathleen Sheldon, "A Report on a 'Delicate Problem' Concerning Female Garment Workers in Beira, Mozambique," Signs 16, no. 3 (1991): 575-86; "Sewing Clothes and Sorting Cashew Nuts: Factories, Families, and Women in Beira, Mozambique," Women's Studies International Forum, 14, nos. 1-2 (1991): 27-35; "Creches, Titias, and Mothers: Working Women and Child Care in Mozambique," in African Encounters with Domesticity, ed. Karen Tranberg Hansen (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992); "'I Studied with the Nuns, Learning to Make Blouses': Gender Ideology and Colonial Education in Mozambique," International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 3 (1998): 595-626. Back.
Note 65: Raúl Honwana, The Life History of Raúl Honwana: An Inside View of Mozambique from Colonialism to Independence, 1905-1975, ed. Allen F. Isaacman (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1988). Back.
Note 66: Teresa Cruz e Silva, "Identity and Political Consciousness in Southern Mozambique, 1930-1974: Two Presbyterian Biographies Contextualized," Journal of Southern African Studies 24, no. 1 (1998): 223-36. Back.
Note 67: Signe Arnfred, "Notes on Gender and Modernization: Examples from Mozambique," in The Language of Development Studies, ed. A. Weis Bentzon (Copenhagen: New Social Science Monographs, 1990); Signe Arnfred, "Conceptions of Gender in Colonial and Post-Colonial Discourses: The Case of Mozambique," paper prepared for Africa in the New Millenium, tenth general assembly of CODESRIA (Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa), Kampala, Uganda, 8-12 December 2002; Ana Maria Loforte, Género e Poder entre os Tsonga de Moçambique (Maputo: Promédia, 2000). Back.
Note 68: Maputo work log, 7 January 1995. Back.
Binding Memories: Women as Makers and Tellers of History in Magude, Mozambique